Introduction: Historical Background

Historically, Black communities have been excluded from white mainstream society. Many scholars have studied race specifically targeting studies of Blackness and systemic racism in American society (Appiah, 2014; Blumer, 1958; Bonilla-Silva, 2017, 2021; Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Hill Collins, 1990; hooks, 1984; Omi & Winant, 2014). As scholarship has progressed and developed more interdisciplinary approaches, scholars have continued to theorize on how identities interact and how the hierarchical natures of different communities (race, class, gender, sexuality, ability, etc.) further affect marginalized groups in the United States. It was not until the end of the second wave of feminism (late 1970s) and the beginning of the third wave (1990s) that the notion of Black women having unique experiences due to their social locations and identities reached the awareness of some of the white American public.

Black feminist scholars (Hill Collins, 1990; hooks, 1984; Lorde, 1984) led the way in providing empirical frameworks to further contemplate, study with academic rigor, and analyze the experiences of Black women in the United States. Along with Critical Race frameworks (Bell, 1992; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solorzano et al., 2000; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002; Yosso et al., 2009), these frameworks have recently been applied to the realm of higher education to better understand the barriers and struggles among different groups of Students of Color. Additionally, they have also provided extensive discussions around the composition of institutions of higher education and how these institutions are structurally designed to keep marginalized students disadvantaged.

Social identity and intersectional theories have been applied to the broader discipline of higher education. However, there have been few studies where these theories have been applied to analyze the experiences of Black women in the specific area of Engineering Education. The following sections review the literature around Black women and their identities in Engineering Education and STEM Education.

Literature Review

Engineering Education and Student Identities

Some Engineering Education scholars studied how students’ identities (race and gender) and components of their social identities have intersected with their Engineering identities (Carlone & Johnson, 2007; Gee, 2001; Morelock, 2017). Morelock (2017) specifically studied what they termed as “constructive factors” that encourage students to pursue engineering. Some of these factors include content area, formal and informal learning experiences, experiential learning, mentorship and role models, and confidence in math and science knowledge and skills. Morelock also studied detractive factors or factors that negatively affected or discouraged students from pursuing engineering. Detractive factors included no or limited exposure to formal and informal engineering learning experiences and marginalization and isolation due to social identity (race, class, gender, etc.).

Gee (2001) expanded on students’ social identities and provided a thorough framework, discussing four dimensions: nature, institutions, discourse, and affinity. Nature refers to things that students cannot control, such as being a Black woman. The institutional dimension outlines how students must behave and act from rules governed by society and culture. Discourse involves individual personality traits, and affinity involves students’ commitment to engineering from their interests. Carlone and Johnson (2007) continued to study how students’ social identities interacted with their science identities, adding how cultural influences such as norms and political meanings can affect students’ identities.

Obiomon, Tickles, Wowo, and Holland-Hunt (2007) were among some of the first scholars to shine light on Black women’s experiences in undergraduate engineering programs. They found that obstacles and challenges often were intensified for Black women who, simultaneously, were frequently held to stricter standards while also being the students who were the least likely to be encouraged or acknowledged for their intellect, skills, and abilities. Blosser (2020) found that Black women in undergraduate engineering programs experienced higher levels of isolation, depression, micro- and macroaggressions, and increased difficulty in participating in educational activities such as classroom and study groups. Other scholars have studied Black women in the field of Engineering, highlighting the experiences of Black women pursuing graduate and doctoral degrees in Engineering (McGee, 2016).

Few studies have utilized Intersectionality to analyze the experiences of Black women in Engineering Education. Ong et al. (2020) and Blosser (2020) are two such examples of scholars who have utilized Intersectionality and Critical Race theories in their work. Ong et al. (2020) analyzed 65 empirical studies to search for common themes among experiences of Women of Color in Engineering Education utilizing a mixed methods approach. Ong et al.'s work highlights the lack of a sense of belonging among Women of Color in Engineering Education. These scholars apply both Intersectionality and Critical Race frameworks to Women of Color. However, one limitation of their approach is that race cannot be conflated with Blackness. Both Intersectionality and Critical Race theories were developed as guides to analyze the experiences of Black women. While they can be applied to analyzing power dynamics regarding other Women of Color, such applications must account for the hierarchy of privilege. For example, the experiences and the social privileges conferred on East and South Asian women in society are different compared to those of Black women. Additionally and importantly, both theories are rooted in a Black Feminist epistemological standpoint, which emphasizes the importance of people’s experiences being more than simply data. Thus, to pair a quantitative methodology involving the counting of themes with a qualitative methodology ignores the strengths of standpoint theory (Hill Collins, 1990; hooks, 1984; Lorde, 1984).

Blosser (2020) examined the experiences of undergraduate Black women Engineering students, and is significant because she spotlighted the voices of Black women Engineering students. Her work has also contributed to more conversations about the barriers Black women Engineering students face that are specific to Black women. Blosser has provided a detailed discussion of Black women’s identities, yet her analysis on the interaction between racial and gender identities that keeps Black women Engineering students disadvantaged is limited.

STEM Education and Student Identities

Several studies have discussed the experiences of Black girls and women in the general field of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) disciplines (Charleston et al., 2014; Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Lane, 2016; Morton & Nkrumah, 2021; Morton & Parsons, 2018; Ross et al., 2020).

Ortiz et al. (2020) used Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital to investigate Black students’ cultural or social capital in STEM environments. The authors examined four components of cultural capital: navigational, resistance, linguistic, and aspirational (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020). This study focused on the knowledge and skills Black students bring from their familial and social backgrounds to navigate collegiate STEM environments.

Lane (2016) investigated the experiences of Black STEM students utilizing Carlone and Johnson’s (2007) science identity framework. She confirmed that STEM Education environments were not only unwelcoming but rife with anti-Black racism. Her work is significant because she provided an in-depth discussion on Black students finding spaces to affirm their STEM identities (such as their research environments) when they were not welcomed in traditional classroom settings.

Some studies have also utilized and applied Intersectionality when analyzing the experiences of Black women in STEM (Charleston et al., 2014). Ross et al. (2020) utilized Social Identity Theory and Intersectionality to study Black women Engineers’ identity development. Their work studied Black women Engineers currently working in the industry, focusing on the informal support networks and methods of empowerment used by Black women to remain in the Engineering field. This analysis, however, treated gender and race as two separate identities or social locations and relied heavily on Social Identity Theory rather than considering the interaction of race, gender, and other social locations (class, ability, sexuality etc.).

Charleston et al. (2014) examined the role race and gender plays in Black women’s pursuit of STEM degrees, beginning a conversation on how identities can interact to keep Black women disadvantaged. However, the experiences presented in this study offered examples that were not specific to Black women, analyzing gender first and then racial discrimination, thus separately analyzing each social identity instead of discussing how they interact in keeping Black women disadvantaged. To analyze experiences through an intersectional lens, the analysis must show that the form of discrimination is specific to Black women and how it differs from both white women and Black men.

For example, one participant discusses how a white man assumed she was a secretary because of her racial or gender identity. She stated, “Because I’m Black? A woman? I can’t tease those apart” (Charleston et al., 2014:26). The analysis concluded that “These aforementioned examples illustrate the complexities and intersections of race and gender in computer science” (Charleston et al. ,2014:26). Though this is true, the analysis focused on identity rather than how identities interacted to keep Black women disadvantaged. The authors used examples of Black women being asked questions such as, “Why are you still in school? Why aren’t you married and taking care of somebody?” (Charleston et al., 2014:26). Furthermore, the assumptions that white men make in these examples that may be based on gender are not uncommon and are not a form of oppression that is different from what white women experience in different institutionalized contexts in American society. A second example showed a specific instance of a racialized experience. A student said, “I think white professors gave her grades because of her race and they felt bad about slavery” (Charleston et al., 2014:#). This example shows a student experiencing anti-Black racism, yet this also is not uncommon for students who are Black men. Thus, this work treats intersectionality as another, separate, identity analysis. Further attention is needed to analyze the interaction between these identities. Simply put, first, how do groups of people’s identities interact in the context of institutions in society? Second, how are identities interacting to keep some of these people disadvantaged?

Morton and Parsons (2018) further examined the roles that Black women’s racialized and gendered identities played in STEM engagement. These scholars (2021) employed a multi-methodological approach using journals, interviews, and field notes. The study relied primarily on journal/journal prompts, providing experiences of Black women in STEM that are specific to Black women in STEM. Morton and Nkrumah (2021) encouraged scholars to rethink current STEM pedagogies and practices, acting as a call to action for STEM Education scholars to disrupt current narratives of Black women and challenging scholars’ misuse and misapplication of both Intersectionality and Critical Race theories.

All the afore-mentioned studies have been key in igniting discussions on students’ social locations and identities in both Engineering and STEM education. However, they have provided limited discussions around structural systemic inequalities, or have neglected these altogether (Allen-Ramdial & Campbell, 2014). Additionally, some of these studies focused on Black students as individual actors with individual personality traits rather than structural mechanisms such as cultural climate, policies, and processes that create and maintain obstacles specific to Black women achieving Engineering degrees.

The purpose of this qualitative study was to investigate the experiences of Black women in Engineering Education spaces and to understand how they interpreted these experiences. This study examines how Black women’s identities and social locations interact and how this positions them to face and overcome obstacles created by and maintained within Engineering Education cultures. Such obstacles are specific to Black women and are different from those experienced by non-Black women students. It is our hope that this study will contribute by highlighting the voices of Black women and providing an extensive picture of the nuanced experiences of Black women undergraduate students in Engineering Education spaces.

Theoretical Framework

Dr. Kimberlé Crenshaw first coined Intersectionality in 1990 to describe how race, class, gender, and other characteristics intersect and highlight discrimination in law (Crenshaw, 1991). Intersectionality highlights oppressions that manifest from belonging to more than one historically marginalized group (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Espinosa, 2011). For example, a Black woman in engineering is underrepresented both with respect to race and gender. Thus, her experiences of marginalization are uniquely distinct from those of (underrepresented) white women and (underrepresented) Black men. In other words, she carries a combined burden of both racism and sexism and is “constantly challenged” by this (Edwards et al., 2011). As explained by Espinosa (2011), (Espinosa, 2011), this dual marginalization can be clarified even further through understanding the “unique psychosocial position held by women of color in STEM fields” (p. 212).

The term “Intersectionality” emerged from the work of critical race scholars in the 1980s and, specifically, from Crenshaw’s critiques of antidiscrimination law, which she claimed overlooked the intersecting experiences of discrimination suffered by Black women in the workplace (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013). For example, in a case where a Black woman employee sued her employer for discrimination due to the employer’s historical failure to promote Black women, the court ruled that the employee could not assert discrimination based on being a Black woman because she could and should have asserted claims of either gender discrimination or race discrimination. Since the employer had done a better job promoting both white women and Black men, the plaintiff’s claim as a Black woman was essentially held to be not cognizable (Crenshaw, 2013). Crenshaw explains:

…Black women can experience discrimination in ways that are both similar to and different from those experienced by white women and Black men. Black women sometimes experience discrimination in ways similar to white women’s experiences; sometimes they share very similar experiences with Black men. Yet often they experience double-discrimination—the combined effects of practices which discriminate on the basis of race, and on the basis of sex. And sometimes, they experience discrimination as Black women—not the sum of race and sex discrimination, but as Black women. (p. 139)

Crenshaw used the term “Intersectionality” to describe this phenomenon and, more importantly, to argue that the very structure of antidiscrimination law at that time prevented Black women from asserting claims of discrimination as Black women. This structural barrier was problematic in two ways. First, it provided no remedy for the discriminatory harm suffered by Black women, and, secondly, it denied the existence of this distinct form of discrimination, effectively silencing and additionally harming already marginalized Black women in the workplace. Thus, there was no incentive for employers to develop better, more equitable workplace policies with respect to Black women.

Many scholars and lawyers have used this intersectional critique of the law to argue that women of color must be included not only in both feminist and antiracist conversations about discrimination, but also in decision- and policy-making processes (Crenshaw, 2013; Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Weldon, 2002) instead of being disregarded as they so often are (Crenshaw, 1991). Crenshaw (1989, 1991, 2018) argues that in each of these forms of discourse, identity tends to be viewed and studied upon a static, linear axis, whereas it should be situated on a dynamic, multidimensional continuum. Due to the lenses through which both feminism and antiracism are typically viewed, Black women are consistently left out of the equation (Crenshaw, 2013). Crenshaw (1989) explains:

…in race discrimination cases, discrimination tends to be viewed in terms of sex- or class-privileged Blacks; in sex discrimination cases, the focus is on race- and class-privileged women. (p. 140)

Leaving Black women out of such discourse leads to further identity-based marginalization of their voices, which desperately need to be considered and heard (Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012). If this failure to consider Black women at policy- and decision- making levels does not change, women of color will continue to be silenced in several institutional and structural settings, including within academia and the sciences (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012).

Withstanding the most of intersecting oppressions uniquely impacts both the personal and professional lives of women of color (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012). Intersectionality, in essence, is greater than the sum of its parts: a Black woman faces more severe marginalization than a Black man or a white woman (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013).

Research Questions

We are guided by the following research questions:

  • What barriers do Black women in Engineering face?

  • How do Black women make meaning of these experiences and barriers?

  • How do Black women navigate Engineering culture?

Positionality Statement

Research, especially qualitative research, is as much about the process as it is about the findings and dissemination. No researcher is unbiased, and we acknowledge this bias in the form of a positionality statement. According to Bourke (2014), this “involves a self-scrutiny on the part of the researcher; a self-conscious awareness of the relationship between the researcher and an ‘other’” (p. 1). Positionality, also described as reflexivity, must reflect the subjectivity of the researcher as a research tool. Positionality helps the researcher acknowledge and deconstruct their power and privilege (Bourke, 2014).

We acknowledge and believe that the experiences of Black women at predominantly white institutions are often unwelcoming, micro-aggressive, and oppressive. We know that the voices of Black women in Engineering are historically missing due to a lack of representation and innovation to ensure their voices are included and that they are sometimes reluctant to enter Engineering majors because of the low population of Black women. In our research model we strive to challenge Engineering cultural norms centered on white men by providing a platform to highlight the experiences of the traditionally and historically excluded Black women.

Methodology

The current study utilizes semi-structured interviews via a narrative inquiry approach to explore the lived experiences and stories of Black undergraduate women enrolled in a College of Engineering at a large, Midwestern public research university. Narrative inquiry is a qualitative research approach that focuses on understanding individuals’ experiences and perspectives through the lens of their personal narratives or stories. This approach allows us to capture the richness and complexity of participants’ experiences, providing valuable insights into their unique journeys within the engineering education context.

Approval for conducting this study was obtained through the university’s Institutional Review Board.

Semi-Structured Interviews

We conducted five semi-structured interviews with Black undergraduate women at a College of Engineering at a large, midwestern public research university. Participants were recruited from an email list and student organization meetings. Participants were provided with an incentive in the form of a $20 gift card. Interviews were recorded using an online video conferencing program (Zoom) and transcribed using Ubiqus On Demand. Each interview transcript was anonymized to protect participant confidentiality.

Each interviewee was asked a set of 30 questions. Questions were divided into four sections:

  1. general experience: In this section, the aim is to establish an overall understanding of the participants’ experiences in engineering, laying the foundation for more specific inquiries in subsequent sections.

  2. gender: This section focuses on exploring participants’ experiences related to their gender identity as women in a male-dominated field.

  3. race: This section delves into participants’ experiences related to their racial identity, specifically as Black individuals in a field that is lacking in racial diversity.

  4. support: This section aims to explore the types of support systems and resources that have been instrumental in the participants’ academic and professional journeys.

Ad hoc questions were included for clarification and to elicit a deeper understanding of participants’ experiences. General wrap-up questions were asked to conclude the interview.

While there were only 5 interviews conducted, they allowed for in-depth qualitative exploration. Semi-structured interviews are well-suited for the research questions, as they offer flexibility in questioning, facilitate a comprehensive understanding of participants’ experiences, promote meaningful engagement, and yield rich qualitative data. This approach strikes a balance between resource management and research depth, ensuring ethical considerations are met, and data saturation is achieved, leading to rigorous and valid insights into the experiences of Black undergraduate women in engineering.

Participants

All participants identified as women and Black. This study included one 2nd year, one 3rd year, two 4th year and one 5th year student. The represented majors include mechanical engineering, environmental engineering, computer science, and information technology.

Data Analysis

A virtual, asynchronous qualitative coding process with a password-protected codebook using Google Jamboard was used to analyze all five interviews. Five members of the research team took part in the coding process for the interviews to establish inter-rater reliability (Walther et al., 2013). To begin the in vivo coding process, members of the research team consolidated the data of a single interview with a descriptive pass, developing codes associated with direct quotes from participants. Each coder uploaded their initial set of codes to their associated Jamboard page. Codes were then consolidated across coders to develop an initial codebook. Following the initial pass, descriptive, linguistic, and interpretive passes were conducted for each of the five interviews using the initial codebook (Kirn et al., 2019; Kirn & Benson, 2018; Smith et al., 2009; Walther et al., 2013).

Findings

This study explored the experiences of five undergraduate Black women pursuing Engineering degrees. Their narratives discussed the discrimination and barriers they faced as Black women, how they navigated these, and how they searched out and created their own spaces for support. Additionally, their experiences encouraged and empowered them to make Engineering Education climates better for future Engineers who are Black women.

Barriers Specific to Black Women

The “Angry Black Woman”: “What Are You? Like Kind of Like that Angry Black Girl Sort of Thing?”

All participants mentioned the Angry Black Woman stereotype. These discussions are significant because this stereotype specifically targets Black women (Blosser, 2020; Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Hill Collins, 1990). Most participants provided particular quotes either on not wanting to be seen as the “angry Black woman” or on how white people in Engineering perceived them as the stereotype. One student said, “So, a lot of times, when I am like, very straight and narrow and just like to the point, people are like ‘Oh, what are you?’ Like kind of like that angry Black girl sort of thing?” If this student tries to be assertive or voice her opinion people react to her as an “angry Black girl” stereotype. Another student noted,

I feel like women—especially people like Black women and sort of thing—to just come out the gates and be like, ‘This is how I feel about something. This is how I want something to get done’ —It kind of just gets pushed up to the side.

These experiences show that Black women are still not taken seriously, are not given the same level of respect compared to other students in Engineering (Obiomon et al., 2007), and that these experiences are unique to Black women (Blosser, 2020; Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Hill Collins, 1990). This stereotype specifically targets Black women and is different compared to stereotypes of Black men and white women (Collins, 2022; Crenshaw, 1991; Hill Collins, 1996; hooks, 1984). These stereotypes differ in the sense that the “aggressive Black man” relies on a narrative of physical violence whereas Collins’ (1990) controlling image or narrative of the “angry Black woman” relies on Black women being loud, argumentative, and not able to regulate their emotions (Hill Collins, 1990). In contrast, the “angry Black woman” stereotype differs from the “emotional white woman” because white women are seen as emotional and helpless arising from gender essentialist ideologies (Butler, 1990). A level of aggression is attached to Black women that is not attached to white women (Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Hill Collins, 1990). For example, the loudness or argumentativeness that is attached to Black women is not attached to white women (Butler, 1990; Crenshaw, 1991, 2013; Hill Collins, 1990). It is not surprising that the “angry Black woman” is prevalent in Engineering Education is a microcosm of larger U.S. society. The field of Engineering Education does not differ from other segments because all are influenced and heavily driven by the overarching structures that are rooted in whiteness and patriarchal power (Bell, 1992; Crenshaw, 1991; Hill Collins, 1990; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solorzano et al., 2000; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002; Yosso et al., 2009). However, this finding is significant for Engineering Education and the overall field of Engineering since both are dominated by cis-gendered heterosexual men and are overrepresented in both, ultimately impeding the recruitment and retention of Black women.

Hair: “I Wouldn’t Wear My Natural Hair Because All They See is Me”

Most participants discussed the topic of Black women’s hair. This topic provides more insight into the concept of Black beauty, which is, again, uniquely tied to Black women and Black women’s lives (Blosser, 2020; Hill Collins, 2002; hooks, 1984; Patton, 2006). Many participants described having to change their hair due to feeling uncomfortable with people looking at them and viewing them as unprofessional (Blosser, 2020). One student said,

I decided to get my hair braided just for ease of not styling or having to do too much in the morning. But, and obviously, I wanted to have these decorations on it, but I talked to my mom and she’s like, 'Oh, don’t you think that will be a little too much? I’m like, ‘What do you mean?’ She’s like, ‘Oh, well, I don’t want them to – I don’t want them to see you as unprofessional or too involved in how your appearance and not about the work.’ But once I got there, I understood because there were others who had braided hair. I had the same conversation with them. They were like, 'Yeah, I was going to do this, but – 'or ‘I put it on Fridays or through the weekend, but I take it out on Monday through Friday.’

Clearly, hair is not an indicator of work ethic, intelligence, critical thinking skills, professionalism etc. (Obiomon et al., 2007). Mainstream (white) standards, however, rule what is considered proper etiquette and appearance in Engineering classrooms and during Engineering activities (Gee, 2001). Put simply, Black hair and the culture that comes with Black hair and expression is generally deemed unprofessional in white spaces (Craig, 2006; Gee, 2001). Another student said,

I kind of did give it up because, even right now, I’ll tell you this isn’t my natural hair. But this is something that I would do for a Zoom meeting right now, but I wouldn’t wear my natural hair, because all they see is me.

This student - like the student above – felt the imperative to change her hair. This student is constantly aware of her hair even during a global pandemic for Zoom classes, groupwork meetings for class, and co-operative employment meetings with her advisor. While most people sit casually at home in sweatpants and with cats running across keyboards, this student worries about her natural hair “because all they see is me.” This student’s comment is in line with Blosser’s (2019) theme of hyper-visibility or feeling uncomfortable because the student feels more noticeable due to her appearance. Another student said,

A big thing about it is most definitely my hair. Like if I had an [Engineering co-operative employment] interview, I wouldn’t have my hair like this. I would probably either have my wig on or have it sleeked back or something like that. That’s irritating as well. And speaking of that, I have to braid my hair to go to work because I’m afraid that if I wear it like this, they’re going to be like ‘Well, you can’t wear that here.’ So, I’m going to do box braids, so they won’t be a problem.

This student’s quote is in line with Gee’s (2001) definition of the institutional dimension, where students must behave and act in accordance with rules governed by mainstream white society and culture. She notes that the appearance of her hair is a key thing that she considers when going to interviews. She intentionally changes her hair because she is afraid of backlash from her co-operative employment placement. In this example, Black women in Engineering are targeted and policed for styling their hair in ways which differ from Black men (whose hair also is policed for texture and decoration such as designs in fades and certain braids, but who typically do not change styles compared to their Black women counterparts) and white women (whose texture of hair and style are not policed as long as they are deemed feminine by white men) (Crenshaw, 1991; Hill Collins, 1990; Hill Collins, 2002). Here, Black women describe anxiety about the extreme scrutiny of their hair in a place where learning and gaining experience should be their sole objective, both educationally and personally.

Codeswitching to Survive: “I Have to Change the Way I Speak Just to Make Them More Comfortable”

Most participants described getting an Engineering degree paired with navigating Engineering spaces as an arduous process (Obiomon et al., 2007). All students concurred with what one student described as her experience: “trying to get through and just surviving.” Participants have developed and used different methods to navigate these Engineering spaces. A method that most students mentioned was codeswitching, the practice of alternating between languages. One student said,

So, the way I’m speaking right now is generally how I speak, like the kind of speech, the kind of words I say. Oftentimes, when I got into spaces, with whether it’s my peers or sometimes in the workplace, people kind of expect me to speak another certain way, a little bit more, with more – what am I trying to say, more – less polish. They’ve told me that I’ve had really polished speech for the kind of person I look like or being a girl or that I know these big words. So, that’s something – I think I’ve gotten it so much that I forget about it, or that I think that myself. Sometimes I think, “Oh, I speak a little bit more suburban instead of urban,” or however people like to describe it. But yeah, I’ve gotten that comment quite a bit, especially growing up, too, that my speech is very ‘polished’ for a Black girl.

This student switches depending on the group with which she is communicating and describes using “less polished” language in more laid-back environments while switching to “polished” language when interacting with white peers at school and coworkers at her co-op employer (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020). Tellingly, her white peers and coworkers are impressed. This quote speaks to the power of basing opinions and perspectives on anti-Black women stereotypes. The student’s white peers, faculty, staff, and coworkers at the co-op employer expect her to speak in the ways in which they perceive Black speech (Hill Collins, 1990). They also have taken it upon themselves to judge what the student calls “polished” speech as acceptable and professional (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Gee, 2001). Above all, the white people in her environment have given her the “compliment” of having “polished speech for a Black girl.” The student has been able to navigate spaces in Engineering education and on her co-op employment experience to be accepted, but only when comparing her to other Black women. The comment “for a Black girl” reinforces white patriarchy: the student is professional when compared to other Black women but not when compared to Black men or white women and men (Crenshaw, 1991; Hill Collins, 1990; hooks, 1984; Crenshaw; 2018). Similarly, another student said,

But when I’m talking to people, my classmates, or people in the industry, even my professors, I feel like I have to code switch and I feel like I have to change the way I speak just to make them more comfortable and make me not sound like an angry Black woman or something like that.

This student makes an intentional choice to speak differently to make non-Black people around her feel more comfortable and to also protect herself by proactively trying to prevent them from attaching the negative “Angry Black woman” stereotype to her (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Crenshaw, 1991; Gee, 2001; Hill Collins, 1990). Still another student brought up clothing in a discussion of professionalism:

How I dress or how low – or my voice. I think I’m very cognizant of when I’m either speaking low or speaking high. I think I try to avoid speaking low… And it’s just like thinking about that constantly and even when I’m Slack messaging. Don’t use too many emojis or anything like that. Or, like, don’t throw in a little slang term. Or when I’m in Zoom meetings, just dial it back.

Black culture has a long history of fashion that is unique to Black women. However, this student is aware that Black women’s fashion is not considered appropriate or professional in white American society (Gee, 2001). This student is careful about how she dresses and uses language, codeswitching in class and at other Engineering activities, including virtual spaces such as Slack and Zoom meetings (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Gee, 2001).

Creating Own Spaces: “Wow, This is People That I Can Really Relate to”

The participants noted that they learned early in their college career that they were not always welcome in white men-dominated spaces within Engineering Education (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Lane, 2016). They knew they needed support to make it through their college career and academic professional co-op job placements. Most students said that they were able to find Black organizations that made them feel safe, respected, and valued (Lane, 2016; Ross et al., 2020). All students discussed being excited and grateful when they became members of these professional Black organizations. One student described an organization as her “family,” and another student said that they would have dropped out if it was not for joining such an organization. Examples of the importance of Black organizations are shown in the quotes below.

I feel more included when I come here [the organization] just because people that look like me and they understood the struggles I was going through and stuff like that. I would honestly describe the organization as the one place where I’m like 'Wow, this is people that I can really relate to and not feel like I either have to explain what it’s like to be in engineering or what it’s like to be a Person of Color or what it’s like to be a woman. Just being a part of that, being a part of that community, and us helping each other, whether it’s with homework, with finding co-op opportunities. Whenever I just sit back and reflect on my involvement with NSBE [National Society of Black Engineers], that’s when I feel the most proud to be an engineer.

In academic Black organizations, these students can find respite from the unwelcoming and even hostile environments in both their Engineering classrooms and co-op job placements. They actively establish their own communities of support outside of those inhospitable environments (Contreras Ortiz et al., 2020; Lane, 2016; Ross et al., 2020). However, although the students describe feeling comfortable in these spaces, the quotes raise the larger question of equity and inclusion in higher education. As the literature shows, it is not uncommon for Black people to find or create spaces for themselves when they are blocked from mainstream white society (Bois, 1899, 1903; Hunter et al., 2016; Tichavakunda, 2020). This also has been seen in the case of Black students in educational settings (Tichavakunda, 2020). It is important to note that these Black women’s experiences provide further compelling arguments for the need for equity and inclusion across educational institutions in classrooms, campus life, professional learning, and other learning opportunities (Morton & Nkrumah, 2021; Morton & Parsons, 2018).

Giving Back: “Other Black Women Who Want to Pursue Computer Science Can See People That Are Succeeding and Be Inspired to Do the Same”

For the participants, giving back to their communities was a top priority. They all mentioned feeling the need to represent and pave the way for Black women entering Engineering and to give back in other ways. Most participants felt that this had been or became a motivation for them to graduate and get their degrees. One student said:

This is important for not just me, but for visibility. So that you know, other Black women who want to pursue computer science can see people that are succeeding and be inspired to do the same.

Another student said:

I don’t see many people that look like me in engineering mainstream really means that I can be the face of a person who someone else looks up to. And so that really motivates me to make sure that somebody else is like oh, this person looks like me and they’re doing what I’m interested in, maybe I can also do that as well.

These students, along with the others who participated, are expressing the desire to make the Engineering field inclusive. They hope that their physical presence and active participation in Engineering communities will empower young Black women to pursue Engineering.

Implications

This study provides valuable insights to learn more about Black women in Engineering majors, the barriers they encounter as shown in the Angry Black Woman and Hair sections, their struggles, and their support mechanisms discussed in the Codeswitching to Survive, Creating Own Space, and Giving Back section. It is important to understand and address the experiences of those who have been marginalized in Engineering spaces so the cycle of exclusion and voices being left out will be broken as universities move to increase participation of women and people of color in Engineering fields. Additionally, using this data, researchers can examine how Engineering colleges treat Black women and their unique experiences that differ from white women and Black men as outlined in the Barriers Specific to Black Women section. Though these experiences are specific and unique to Black women, they can encourage educators and practitioners to think both beyond themselves and the students they serve regularly. These experiences should illuminate the systemic barriers that should be worked on and fixed by Engineering Education administrators.

Furthermore, this article is a valuable tool for Engineering colleges, especially at predominantly white institutions, to employ specific strategies when conceptualizing, creating and maintaining safe and diverse spaces for the traditionally and historically excluded students. Now more than ever, it is time for reflection on how Black women are impacted by racial and gender disparities in enrollment and retention in Engineering programs. If programs do not continue to critically engage institutions on how Black women and Students of Color are treated in these programs, they will never reach a space of equity in engineering by increasing the number of Black women professors and instructors in Engineering. Engineering programs can improve not only representation of diverse voices within Engineering colleges, but also provide spaces of support, mentorship, and acceptance for Black women students. Subsequently, more Black women students will enroll in Engineering colleges and continue to view themselves as role models for completing their education and achieving their goals because of the rising number of Black women in engineering, particularly as teachers. The implications for this work do not stop at universities but trickle down to younger Black girls and Students of Color who aspire to pursue a career in an Engineering field. By considering the results of this research, Engineering Education can begin efforts to provide the much-needed access and opportunities to overcome these barriers to skill and identity development within Engineering Education.

Limitations

The results presented are from a single institution and are within only Engineering disciplines. Generalizability was not the purpose of this study. The method of qualitative interviewing was intentionally chosen and used to heighten and highlight the voices of Black women, who are historically and traditionally excluded from Engineering discourse.

Conclusion

This study explored the experiences of five undergraduate Engineering students who are Black women. Their narratives discussed the barriers and types of discrimination that are unique to their interacting identities as Black women. They provided detailed examples to illustrate the complexity of their experiences in navigating Engineering Education spaces. The implications of Intersectionality Theory highlight the ways in which Black women’s identities are used and misused to keep them disadvantaged and further from success in Engineering. This paper provides evidence that there is change needed in Engineering Education institutions. Therefore, institutions of higher education must be both intentional and strategic in providing structured methods such as programming and policies to better support Black women in engineering programs.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the participants that shared their experience with us and the R.O.S.E research laboratory. We would also like to acknowledge the work of artist Lauryn Hill and her album “The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill” that contains the song “Everything is Everything” that says “It seems we lose the game before we even start to play”.