Girls STEM Institute: Impacting Black Girls’ Self-Efficacy and Interest in STEM Careers

“One teacher named Mrs. Mara always says that I am wrong all the time when really, I am right and it’s prob[ab]ly because she thinks I am slow and I [am] the only colored person in her class” (Antoinette, GSI Scholar).

Antoinette, an elementary-aged Girls STEM Institute (GSI) scholar, was reflecting on her schooling experiences and influential teachers. She titled her reflection “The Devil”. Black girls like Antoinette have historically and continue to be viewed through deficit stereotypical lenses, such as being loud, hypersexual, aggressive, confrontational, and less intelligent (Evan-Winters, 2011; Joseph, 2022). Sadly, Antoinette’s experiences do not exist in a vacuum but are birthed from an oppressive system where the roots of racism and sexism run deep (Crenshaw, 1989; Patton et al., 2022). Given that educational institutions are not insulated (Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Carter Andrews et al., 2019), Black girls’ educational opportunities are constrained (Carter Andrews et al., 2019; McGee, 2020).

Due to the oppressive system of racism and sexism that permeates K-12 spaces, Black girls often find themselves in spaces where they are not recognized or valued (Carter Andrews et al., 2019; Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2022). Black girls are often recipients of harmful rhetoric that seeks to adultify and demonize their behavior, creating extremely harmful and unjust learning environments and barriers (Morton et al., 2020). Within these environments, teachers find it difficult to see the brilliance in Black girls and find it easier to see them as deviant and less capable (Francis, 2012). The challenges for Black girls in K-12 schools are further compounded by limited access to advanced STEM course offerings and intellectually rich STEM learning experiences (Perry et al., 2012; J. Young et al., 2025).

Informal STEM learning spaces can help address the negative experiences of Black girls in formal K-12 settings (Smith-Mutegi et al., 2025). Informal STEM learning spaces can serve as affirming and supportive spaces that aid in building Black girls’ critical consciousness, leading them to see how STEM can be used as a tool for personal and social change (Lane & Id-Deen, 2023; Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2022; Smith-Mutegi et al., 2025)). These spaces support positive STEM identity development, achievement, and increased interest in STEM careers (Lane & Id-Deen, 2023; VanMeter-Adams et al., 2014). Further, curriculum models that emphasize cultural connections and enable Black girls to engage with the past, present, and future present a promising strategy to enhance confidence and interest in STEM careers. Additionally, curricula that facilitate girls’ recognition of communal value through an African-centered design have the potential to positively influence their perceptions of the social significance of STEM (Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2022).

Although previous research has examined informal STEM environments for Black girls, few studies have specifically investigated the opportunities these girls associate with STEM careers using quantitative methods. Additionally, there is limited research on how socially transformative curricula influence these perceptions. Therefore, this study investigates the impact of an informal STEM program that employs a socially transformative curriculum (STC) framework on Black girls’ perceptions of STEM careers. To better understand the relationship between informal STEM learning and Black girls’ career confidence, perceived social value, and interest in STEM careers, we conducted a quantitative analysis of pre- and post-survey data from 73 Black girls (ages 7-17) who participated in a summer STEM institute over three years. We also conducted focus group interviews with a subset of 22 participants. The following research questions guided the study:

(1) What is the impact of participation in an informal STEM program on Black girls’ confidence in pursuing STEM careers?

(2) What is the impact of participation in an informal STEM program on Black girls’ perceptions of the social value of STEM careers?

(3) What is the impact of participation in an informal STEM learning program on Black girls’ STEM career interest and perceived family support?

While prior research has documented the benefits of informal STEM programs for girls and underrepresented youth, few studies have examined the impact of culturally responsive STEM programs on Black girls across both elementary and secondary grade levels. By analyzing three years of multi-cohort quantitative data complemented by qualitative data from scholars in the GSI, this study addresses this gap by providing insight into how participation in an informal STEM program shapes Black girls’ STEM confidence, identity, and career aspirations over time.

Literature Review

Experiences of Black Girls in Traditional Learning Settings

“Being a young black woman it is like he [the teacher] is intimidated by me instead of trying to teach me . . . I don’t have an attitude” (Janice, GSI Scholar).

Education for Black Americans has a long, contentious history. Historically, the decision to permit certain individuals to be educated was dependent upon perception and utility; that is, whether white society deemed them competent to receive education and how their education would benefit white society (Hutson, 2022; Jacobs et al., 1861). Black girls were seldom viewed as capable or worthy of educational investment. Alternatively, they were positioned as laborers and objects of surveillance (Wright, 2016) and discouraged from pursuing professions outside domestic roles, teaching, and ministry (Joseph, 2022). According to Woodson, “the discouragement was complete because whites, both by percept and practice, treated the professions (i.e., doctors, attorneys, engineers) as 'aristocratic spheres which Negros should not aspire” (as cited in Joseph, 2022, p. 4). Today, Black girls’ intelligence and worth are often questioned, and they face ongoing discouragement from pursuing careers where they are considered unworthy or outside the norm (McGee & Robinson, 2020; Smith-Mutegi et al., 2025). Racism and sexism continue to serve as interconnected tools to lock out and erase Black girls from STEM spaces (Joseph, 2022; King, 2022; Smith-Mutegi et al., 2025).

Black girls’ educational experiences have long been constrained by systems that question their intellectual capacity and worth, leaving them to navigate educational spaces where the intersection of racism and sexism contributes to experiences of marginalization, invisibility, and limited access to opportunities (Carter Andrews et al., 2019; Crenshaw, 1989; Ricks, 2014). Research documents that Black girls are often perceived as loud, aggressive, or too mature, resulting in hyper-surveillance and exclusionary disciplinary practices rooted in racialized and gendered perceptions of behavior (Evans, 2019; Neal-Jackson, 2018). These perceptions extend beyond discipline and influence how Black girls are viewed academically.

Despite evidence of academic aspirations and achievement, Black girls are often viewed as less competent within school settings and denied access to advanced learning opportunities (Davis, 2021; Neal-Jackson, 2018). Teachers and school systems frequently prioritize behavioral perceptions over intellectual potential, contributing to barriers in academic identity development, STEM self-efficacy, and participation (Francis, 2012; Hurd, 2025). As a result, Black girls must often navigate schooling environments that fail to recognize their brilliance while simultaneously questioning their belonging in academically rigorous spaces, including STEM.

Within STEM education specifically, Black girls continue to experience systemic exclusion, limited access to advanced coursework, and stereotypes that position STEM as white and male (Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2018). Yet research consistently shows that Black girls possess strong STEM interests, aspirations, and potential (J. L. Young et al., 2019). Informal STEM learning spaces like Girls STEM Institute and I AM STEM have emerged as important counterspaces that affirm Black girls’ identities, promote positive STEM self-efficacy, and position STEM as a tool for personal and social change (Lane & Id-Deen, 2023; Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2022).

Informal STEM Learning

I am totally convinced that, through her participation in Girls STEM Institute, Reese will not only continue to develop her STEM interest but will also be aided in her development into a confident, resilient, self-determined, goal-oriented young woman. Thank you, GSI. (Marie, GSI Caregiver/Parent)

There is great opportunity and plasticity available in out-of-school time learning. Out-of-school time learning spaces provide opportunities to explore and learn beyond the rigidity of the day-to-day classroom; if leveraged properly, populations of students who otherwise are suppressed in formal learning can leverage their funds of knowledge (Moll et al., 1992) to apply their unique experiences to curriculum.

For out-of-school time spaces whose roots and mission center the lived experiences of marginalized identities, their purpose is often embedded in curriculum, philosophy, and content delivery, fostering spaces of safety and inclusivity. The purpose of these settings is to counter harmful dominant narratives and foster positive identity formation. Leveraging this ideology, informal STEM organizations that center Black girls have the opportunity to approach STEM education in a holistic way; this is especially important since, as previously demonstrated, general education tends to perpetuate what legal scholar Patricia Williams calls “spirit murdering,” or robbing people of Color of their humanity (King, 2022).

In the context of education, this atrocity encompasses marginalized students’ very sense of being, touching all parts of their lives. If a Black girl learns early on, through mistreatment or neglect, that something is unattainable, we run the risk of her forming an internal narrative that STEM is not for her, perpetuating the cycle of underrepresentation in STEM fields (Dolet & Anderson, 2023). Informal programs, however, have the capacity to change that narrative by supporting positive math and science identities and counteracting dehumanizing and exclusionary practices often experienced in traditional school settings (Lane & Id-Deen, 2023; J. L. Young et al., 2019).

Research shows that the enmeshment of STEM education with positive identity-related activities provides opportunities to strengthen students’ self-esteem and self-efficacy (Martin, 2012; Zhao et al., 2024). Young and colleagues (2019) emphasize the importance of culturally responsive pedagogy to affirm the academic and cultural identity of Black girls. Similarly, Roberts and Hughes (2022) found that consistent and persistent work with Black girls may help them internalize recognition and develop enduring STEM identities through mentorship and public recognition.

Theoretical and Conceptual Considerations

Goal affordance theory, which emphasizes how individuals are drawn to career paths that align with their personal goals (Diekman et al., 2010), paired with self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997), provides a framework for examining the impact of GSI on Black girls’ confidence, perceived social value, and interest in STEM careers.

Diekman et al. (2010) offer a framework for understanding that career aspirations are driven not only by interest or self-efficacy but also by personal values and goals. Diekman and colleagues define two broad categories of goals. Agentic goals focus on power, achievement, seeking new experiences, success, focus on self, and financial reward. In contrast, communal goals focus on interpersonal connection, prosocial actions, and caring roles. Goal affordance is the extent to which a career path is perceived to align with personal goals. Goal mismatch occurs when personal goals are not afforded within a career field, causing motivation and persistence to decline (Diekman et al., 2010, 2017).

Research consistently shows that STEM careers are often stereotyped as limiting opportunities for communal goals when compared to other professions. When communal goals in STEM fields are not elevated, goal mismatch occurs (Diekman et al., 2010, 2017). As members of a historically marginalized group, Black girls may be disproportionately impacted since they are more likely to report communal goals as a reason for pursuing STEM fields (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). This goal mismatch can negatively impact Black girls’ views of and interest in STEM careers (Diekman et al., 2010).

Although much research on goal affordance theory has been conducted in undergraduate spaces, there remains a dearth of studies in K-12 settings. Past studies with middle and high school populations have found mixed results. One study found that adolescent boys endorsed agentic career goals more than girls, while both groups endorsed agentic goals more than communal goals (Mack et al., 2025). Another study focusing on computer science found no statistically significant interaction effect between gender and goal affordances when predicting career intentions among middle school students (Tise & McGill, 2025). These findings suggest a need to rethink the mechanisms of this theory in K-12 settings, particularly for Black girls in STEM, whose experiences are unique compared to women and girls in general.

Connections to Self-Efficacy

Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s perception of their ability to complete a specific task and influences choices, effort, and achievement (Bandura, 1997). Bandura (1977) defined four main sources of self-efficacy. They are performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and psychological and emotional states. Self-efficacy is a key factor in STEM learning because higher self-efficacy is linked to greater achievement, persistence, and interest in STEM careers (Bandura, 1997; J. L. Young et al., 2019).

In this study, confidence is grounded in self-efficacy, as confidence is informed by one’s perceived level of efficacy. Black girls feel more confident and position themselves more favorably as members of the scientific community as their self-efficacy is developed (J. Young et al., 2017). Goal affordance theory (Diekman et al., 2010) and the concept of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977, 1997) complement each other. Goal affordance theory emphasizes how individuals are drawn to career paths that align with their personal goals and self-efficacy focuses on one’s belief in their ability to succeed in their selected career path. Together, this theory and construct provide a comprehensive lens for examining GSI’s impact on Black girls’ interest in STEM careers.

Methods

This study employed a mixed method design to explore the relationship between informal STEM learning and Black girls’ confidence in, valuing of, and interest in STEM careers. Quantitative pre-post survey data were collected to address the research questions. Qualitative findings are presented in the Results section to help explain patterns observed in the quantitative data. All tables and figures are included in Appendix A.

Participants

Participants in this study included 73 non-duplicate GSI scholars who participated in a four-week summer institute between 2023 and 2025. Participants’ ages ranged from 7 to 17, and they were in grades 3 to 12. Table A1 provides the number of participants and average years in GSI for each year. Twenty-two 2023 participants self-selected to participate in focus group interviews. Focus groups were not conducted at the end of summer 2024 and 2025 due to fiscal constraints that limited the availability of staff to facilitate and transcribe focus group interviews.

Context: Girls STEM Institute

The context of this study is Girls STEM Institute (GSI), an informal holistic learning program created in 2013 for Black girls in grades 3-12. GSI is implemented as a year-round program with a summer institute. Since its inception, GSI has served over 250 non-duplicate Black girls in grades 3-12 during the summer institute.

The first author serves as the founder and executive director of GSI and has led the mission, vision, and curricular initiatives of the program. The mission of GSI is to transform communities by empowering girls of color to become leaders, innovators, and educators who use STEM as a tool for personal and social change. This mission is carried out through the four pillars shown in Figure A1.

GSI’s approach to teaching and learning is grounded in culturally responsive practices and Mutegi’s (2011) socially transformative STEM curriculum (STC) framework. Mutegi (2011) argues that science education must be situated within a socially transformative framework, positioning Black students to acquire disciplinary knowledge and use that knowledge to critique the world around them. Drawing from the work of critical curriculum theorists, Mutegi argues that Black students should attain five types of mastery: content, currency, context, critique, and conduct. Content refers to disciplinary knowledge. Currency supports understanding how content relates to humanity. Context speaks to understanding how content connects with and impacts people of African descent. Critique positions students to understand how oppressive systems work. Conduct empowers learners to use knowledge as a tool for personal and social change.

In recent years, Afrofuturism has been proposed as a conceptual tool to bridge the past to the future in STEM education (McGee & White, 2021). According to Smith et al. (2024), Afrofuturism “roots itself in celebrating the ingenuity and distinctiveness of Black culture” (p. 123). GSI has integrated Afrofuturistic curricular approaches alongside culturally responsive and STC frameworks through activities centered on Black girls, their lived experiences, and Blacks in aviation through the past, present, and future.

Using a socially transformative STEM curriculum with themes of Afrofuturism, GSI engages scholars in learning experiences connecting STEM with the arts, wellness, aviation, robotics, and financial wellness (Smith-Mutegi et al., 2025). These experiences provide opportunities for collaborative inquiry grounded in real-world contexts. Table A2 provides alignment to the STC 5Cs, communal construct, learning experiences, and intended outcomes.

The summer institutes were situated on a Midwest college campus and implemented five days a week from 8:30 am–3:30 pm. To provide developmentally appropriate programming, scholars were organized into two groups based on grade levels: Senior Scholars in grades 7th–12th and Junior Scholars in grades 3rd–6th. During a typical day, scholars engaged in Sister Circle Time, STEM workshops, lunch with guests from STEM fields, end-of-day reflection time, STEM-based field trips, and a scholar-led community showcase in which caregivers, families, community, and corporate partners engaged with scholars about their summer learning.

Quantitative Data Collection and Analysis

Quantitative Measures

Data was collected from 73 participants over a 3-year period utilizing the Career Interest Questionnaire (CIQ) (Christensen et al., 2014). Data collection occurred during the first week and final week of the four-week summer institute each year. GSI scholars completed the CIQ during the first and last day of programming.

The Career Interest Questionnaire (CIQ) is a 13-item Likert-type instrument (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree) designed to assess students’ interest in STEM careers (Christensen et al., 2014). Prior research has demonstrated acceptable construct validity and internal reliability of the CIQ with high school students in residential STEM academy settings (Christensen et al., 2014). The instrument has also been used to examine relationships between STEM interest and career intent among middle school students (Christensen & Knezek, 2017).

The items were grouped into three subscales based on previous scale development (Christensen et al., 2014): Career Interest & Family Support, Career Confidence and Goals, and Perceived Value & Social Meaning of Science Careers. Item 12 (Having a career in science would be challenging) was reverse-coded so that higher scores indicated greater interest in STEM careers. Internal consistency reliability for each subscale was assessed using McDonald’s omega (ω), which provides an estimate of scale reliability for multidimensional measures (Dunn et al., 2014). All subscales demonstrated acceptable reliability at both pre- and post-test administrations (see Table A3).

Quantitative Data Analysis

We conducted a systematic evaluation of missing data before proceeding with analysis. For each variable, we assessed the percentage of missingness and examined patterns of nonresponse. Variables with less than 5% missing data were imputed using mode imputation (Schafer, 1999). Several variables had more than 5% missing data. This was expected, as the survey was administered at the end of a summer STEM program and some students left early for vacation or other commitments, resulting in incomplete responses. To address this, we used multiple imputation by chained equations (MICE), which is suited for handling moderate to high levels of missing data while maintaining statistical power and reducing bias (Azur et al., 2011). We generated multiple imputed datasets and conducted analyses separately on each. The resulting estimates were combined using Rubin’s rules to produce pooled statistics and standard errors (Rubin, 1978).

To analyze data from the CIQ instrument, separate t-tests were conducted for each imputed dataset, and the results were pooled using Rubin’s rules. The results reported average means of change pre- and post-intervention for each factor, including (1) career interest and family support, (2) career confidence and goals, and (3) perceived value and social meaning of science careers. Each item on the CIQ was also analyzed using a t-test to assess the significance of mean changes.

Qualitative Data Collection: Focus Groups

To complement the survey data and better understand scholars’ experiences, we conducted focus groups during the final week of the 2023 summer institute. Six semi-structured focus groups were held: three with Junior Scholars and three with Senior Scholars. Focus groups ranged in size from 3 to 4 participants and lasted 25–30 minutes. Focus groups were facilitated by graduate research assistants for the program. Questions focused on scholars’ reflections on the institute, perceptions of support and recognition, and career aspirations. Sample questions included: Can you talk about your experiences in GSI? and What do you want to do in your future lives? All focus groups were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim.

An initial coding framework was developed a priori. Three codes were assigned to text based on the constructs examined in the quantitative analysis: (1) career interest and family support, (2) career confidence and goals, and (3) perceived value and social meaning of science careers. Additional themes emerged during coding; however, the present analysis focuses primarily on patterns aligned with quantitative constructs.

Qualitative data were analyzed using consensus-based inductive thematic analysis (Nowell et al., 2017). Two researchers independently read transcripts multiple times to identify recurring ideas and patterns in scholars’ responses. The researchers then met to compare interpretations, discuss differences, and reach agreement on themes representing participants’ experiences. Themes were refined through discussion and checked against transcripts to ensure they were grounded in the data. To enhance credibility, both researchers revisited transcripts throughout analysis and maintained analytic notes to document decisions and interpretations.

Although the study’s primary analytic approach was quantitative, qualitative focus group interview data were used to contextualize and illustrate patterns observed in the numerical data.

Results

This study, grounded in goal affordances theory and self-efficacy, explored the impact of an informal STEM program employing a socially transformative curriculum (STC) on Black girls’ perceptions of STEM career opportunities. Using quantitative and qualitative focus group data, we examined changes in career confidence, perceived social value, and career interest and family support. Results of the dependent samples t-test are displayed in Table A4. Tables and figures are included in Appendix A.

Our initial research question examined whether engaging in an informal STEM learning experience could impact Black girls’ confidence in pursuing STEM careers. Following the summer intervention, GSI participants reported small but statistically meaningful improvements in STEM career confidence (Cohen’s d = 0.22, 95% CI [0.03, 0.41]). While the increase in confidence was moderate, the statistical significance suggests that participation was associated with agentic confidence gains related to STEM career pathways. The findings show that the informal learning experience may have contributed positively to participants’ perceptions of their abilities to pursue STEM careers and thereby strengthened STEM career self-efficacy.

Although the CIQ measured STEM perceptions broadly, 2023 focus group responses indicate that robotics and aviation, engineering-centered components of the program, were often referenced by participants as influential experiences shaping career confidence and interest. Focus group data also revealed a shift in perception, as scholars frequently described feeling recognized, inspired, and encouraged to envision futures in STEM. For example, one participant, a senior scholar, shared how exposure to aviation professionals and a GSI alum reshaped her career aspirations:

At first, I wasn’t really interested in aviation, but once he started talking about it…and Fatima told us how she got her private pilot’s license, it really inspired me to look more into it as a career.

Similarly, another participant noted her overall STEM career confidence by stating:

I feel like we can do anything. Like just as well as other people. It’s just like, with all this going on right now. Like everybody’s looking at us. We’re like, but like, we’d have the capability. We can do the same stuff because we have like we’re all made by God and stuff like we can all do the same jobs the same way.

The second research question explored how participation in an informal STEM program affects Black girls’ views of the social significance of STEM careers. Quantitative data showed a small but statistically significant rise in acknowledgment of STEM careers’ social value (Cohen’s d = 0.25, 95% CI [0.07, 0.43]). During the focus group, an unintended discovery was that some participants regarded GSI staff as part of the STEM career community when asked about STEM careers. The dialogue displayed in Figure A2 highlights the focus group discussion between two junior scholar participants and the interviewer.

The final research question examined the impact of participating in an informal STEM learning program on Black girls’ STEM career interests and perceived family support. No significant changes were found in overall career interest or perceived family support (Cohen’s d = -0.04, 95% CI [-0.22, 0.15]), suggesting these aspects remained stable during the intervention. Support for these findings can also be seen in one participant’s reflection of the aviation experience. She shared, I’m not really into airplanes and stuff, so it just wasn’t the best for me, noting how her initial interest in aviation was not altered by the GSI experience.

In addition to analyzing the subscales, we examined each item separately to better discern which career-related beliefs or value orientations the program impacted. Full results are presented in Table A5. Items 8, 9, 10, and 11 showed meaningful improvements from pre to post with statistically significant t-values and low p-values, indicating gains from the beginning to the end of the program. Item 10 showed one of the largest t-values in the table (t = 3.62), followed by Items 9 (t = 3.37) and 8 (t = 3.23). These items speak to students’ intention to pursue a science-related career (I will get a job in a science-related area [8]), perceived social value of science careers (Some day when I tell others about my career, they will respect me for doing scientific work [9]), and the potential for science to enable meaningful work (A career in science would enable me to work with others in meaningful ways [10]; Scientists make a meaningful difference in the world [11]). These upward shifts indicate that the program positively impacted participants’ perceptions of career relevance in STEM. Altogether, these results suggest that an informal STEM learning program rooted in STC strengthened participants’ career confidence and appreciation for STEM careers, though not broad interest or perceived familial attitudes.

Interpreting no significant change in broad interest and familial support requires contextual and developmental consideration. While elementary, middle, and high school scholars participated in the study, younger participants are not yet enrolled in discipline-specific science classes. Their responses more likely reflect general interest in science and not science careers. Older participants’ responses may reflect coursework and other schooling experiences in addition to participation in GSI.

Since participants’ families self-select to enroll in GSI, the findings may represent a ceiling effect rather than the absence of program impact. Baseline levels of general career interest and perceived family support, as measured in the Career Interest Questionnaire (Christensen et al., 2014), may have been elevated at the start of the program. These findings suggest the need for further exploration to determine if GSI functions primarily to initiate career interests or support existing career interests while strengthening self-efficacy.

Discussion

Results from this study show that participation in GSI’s summer institutes contributed to increases in scholars’ career confidence and their recognition of the social value and meaningfulness of science careers. While general career interest and perceived family support did not change, scholars demonstrated stronger beliefs that science careers would allow them to work collaboratively, contribute to their communities, and be respected by others. These findings align with prior work suggesting that Black girls often gravitate toward careers that allow them to pursue communal goals, including helping others, contributing to society, and working in collaborative environments (Diekman et al., 2010; Ong et al., 2011).

Qualitative findings help explain these shifts by highlighting scholars’ experiences with mentoring, peer community, and culturally relevant STEM activities, which participants described as strengthening their confidence and helping them see STEM careers as pathways for community impact. By integrating narrative data with survey results, this study offers a model for program evaluations seeking to understand how program experiences support scholars’ developing STEM identities.

Goal affordances theory (Diekman et al., 2010) argues that individuals are more likely to pursue fields that align with their valued goals. The theory posits that women are more likely to endorse communal goals, while men are more likely to endorse agentic goals and, if women perceive STEM fields as congruent with communal goals, they will be more likely to pursue STEM careers. For many girls, and particularly Black girls, communal goals such as collaboration, care, and social impact are central.

Indeed, communalism is thought to be one of the core values and strengths of Black culture; others include ritual, spirituality, and balance (Mance-Early et al., 2024). Communalism can promote resilience for Black girls as they draw upon communities and families as a protective factor when facing bias and negative encounters within K-12 learning spaces (Mance-Early et al., 2024). To transform learning spaces into safe environments for learning and healthy psychological development for Black girls, one important shift is centering values from Black culture, such as communalism. Viewing Black values and traditions as strengths and promoting harmony between cultural heritage and academic activities can positively impact Black girls’ racial identity (Mance-Early et al., 2024).

Although we did not examine goal affordances directly, our results suggest that the GSI program helped shift students’ perceptions of STEM, given that scholars demonstrated increased agreement with statements reflecting the communal value of science. These results suggest that GSI may help scholars reinterpret STEM as a domain that affords not only agentic goals but also communal goals, such as service, collaboration, and community change. These results are consistent with research demonstrating that informal STEM spaces can strengthen Black girls’ confidence (Morton & Smith-Mutegi, 2022) and that Black girls display strong interest in STEM fields (J. L. Young et al., 2019), suggesting that programs like GSI play a crucial role in sustaining these strengths.

Supporting this interpretation, study results also highlight the role of self-efficacy in building Black girls’ STEM interest and future career intentions. GSI intentionally embeds Bandura’s (1977) four sources of self-efficacy into the summer institute structure, creating pathways for scholars to experience themselves as capable STEM learners. Hands-on STEM learning provided mastery and vicarious learning experiences through workshops, field trips, and lunch-and-learn sessions with STEM professionals, expanding scholars’ understanding of STEM careers, pathways, and connections to real-world issues. Social persuasion was cultivated through encouragement and affirmations from instructors and mentors. GSI’s wellness practices, sister circles, and community showcases fostered emotional and psychological well-being, strengthening scholars’ sense of belonging in a STEM community.

From an engineering education perspective, this study’s findings suggest that engagement with robotics and aviation may foster more communal perceptions of engineering. Engineering activities within GSI were structured around collaborative learning in culturally relevant contexts, with design work positioned as collective and not individualistic. Participants engaged in the engineering design process to solve problems within a community of peers. While individual achievement remained important, scholars valued the opportunity for collective achievement.

The findings also invite examination of how components of STC operate in practice with Black girls during four-week summer STEM experiences. GSI intentionally integrates all 5Cs throughout the program design. Data from this study suggest that currency, context, and conduct were most salient in shifting scholars’ confidence and perceived social value of STEM careers. Participants consistently referenced experiences that connected them and their communities. Through the lens of communal goals, conduct became salient as participants envisioned collective actions through interpersonal connections, prosocial actions, and caring roles merged. In this way, the study extends Mutegi’s (2011) framework by highlighting the importance of communal enactments of conduct in shaping STEM confidence and career perceptions among Black girls.

Although Afrofuturism was not employed as a guiding framework for this study, we offer considerations of the findings through the lens of Afrofuturism. GSI’s emphasis on futurity, communal uplift, transformation, and identity affirmation align with Afrofuturism’s constructs and the integration of Afrofuturistic themes in GSI’s curriculum. Through the STC framework, participants engaged in STEM learning experiences helping them envision themselves in STEM roles such as engineers and aviators, roles that have historically excluded Black girls. The increase in participants’ perception of their abilities to pursue STEM careers, STEM self-efficacy, and perceived social value of science careers may reflect not only increased perception of ability but also an expanded sense of possible selves within STEM spaces and their ability to reshape those spaces.

In this sense, GSI becomes a space in which STC provides the curricular structure for cultivating the 5Cs (Mutegi, 2011). STC and Afrofuturism provide a framework centered on the liberation of Black learners in STEM (McGee & White, 2021). Informal STEM programs like GSI are positioned to operationalize the intersections of STC and Afrofuturism to further center Black girls’ humanity within STEM spaces and support their viewing of themselves as architects of future innovation.

Conclusion and Implications

The results of this study demonstrate how informal STEM learning environments that center the lived experiences of Black girls and position STEM as a tool for personal and social change can influence scholars’ confidence and perceptions of what a future in STEM could look like. These findings underscore the importance of investing in informal STEM learning spaces that honor scholars’ identities, highlight the social purpose of science, and provide recognition that nurtures scholars’ intentions to pursue STEM.

These results also have implications for formal K-12 STEM learning spaces. Through curriculum design, instructional practice, and fostering inclusive and caring environments, the integration of STC can help redress the dehumanizing experiences faced by Black girls in traditional learning spaces. Integrating STC positions Black girls to master content, understand content’s relevance for humankind and their communities, understand how content is a tool to critique systemic racism and sexism, and apply knowledge to bring social change runs counter to traditional approaches to STEM learning (Mutegi, 2011). Through STC, Black girls can engage in learning experiences that elevate agentic and communal goals afforded by STEM and STEM careers.

While elevating STEM careers as possessing agentic and communal goals may help increase Black girls’ interest, the importance of implementing an STC framework extends beyond STEM career interest. STC equips them to understand how STEM can help address oppressive systems of racism and sexism. They have the right to learn and exist in spaces free from oppressive strongholds and deserve spaces grounded in humanizing love that affirms their intelligence and rightful presence (Calabrese Barton & Tan, 2020) as part of their everyday existence.

Recommendations for Research and Practice

Future research can extend this work through longitudinal studies that follow Black girls across elementary and secondary grades to examine how participation in informal STEM learning rooted in STC and Afrofuturism shapes STEM identity development and STEM perceptions over time. Studies of this nature can also investigate whether early shifts in career confidence, perceived social value, and interest in STEM careers predict later enrollment in STEM courses and workforce experiences.

Longitudinal studies centering Afrofuturism as a conceptual lens move beyond examining changes in career confidence, perceived social value, and interest in STEM careers to examining Black girls’ capacity to imagine themselves as innovators and knowledge producers within technological worlds (Dery, 1994; Kaler-Jones, 2022; Womack, 2013). Research of this nature helps deepen understandings of how programs like GSI cultivate and sustain Black girls’ authorship within STEM domains.

When looking at formal K-12 STEM learning domains, findings from this study highlight the importance of designing learning experiences that align with communal goals and socially transformative STEM curriculum. This involves foregrounding the collaborative and community-serving nature of scientific inquiry and engineering work. Rather than presenting the engineering design process as a sequence of procedural steps, educators can contextualize learning within locally relevant issues such as land and water littering. This contextualization provides opportunities to apply the engineering design process to community challenges while developing disciplinary knowledge and interrogating structural and community challenges, thus applying knowledge to generate actionable solutions.

Integrating an Afrofuturist perspective can further extend this work by inviting students to imagine how communities might be redesigned through technological innovation. Integrating future-focused design challenges positions students as problem solvers for community challenges and as visionaries and architects of future innovations.